At first glance, the
articles discussed in class about theoretical takes on videogames and learning
would seem to be at odds: James Paul Gee’s “Why are video games good for
learning?” contends that videogames allow players to develop perceptive,
intellectual, and practical skills through simulation and mediated social
interaction. In “Why gamers don’t learn more,” Jonas Linderoth argues that Gee
misconstrues how learning works, and points to qualities of videogames that hamper
their potential to teach, raising the need for further study. In “Reconceptualizing
gamification,” Rowan Tulloch argues while videogames are useful for education,
the games themselves need not necessarily enter the classroom. Yet there are
grains of consensus among these authors – and understanding where their
arguments align may provide a useful starting point for further enquiries into
the place of games in education.
Gee and Tulloch agree on the manner in which videogames
teach: Gee argues that through simulation, videogames provide a kind of
perceptive training, whereby players learn “embodied empathy for complex
systems” by actively taking part in their functioning, and in this way come to
understand the system as a whole (5). Tulloch makes a similar claim when he
writes that “video games ask players to […] perform tasks and understand logics
with which they are have little to no prior skill […] [T]hese are not skills
players simply have naturally, these are skills that need to be learned, and
consequently that the games need to teach” (322). According to Gee games are
good for developing cognitive skills in particular, as simulations train
players to understand the kinds of action belonging to certain to roles and
recognize situations where those actions are useful for the achievement of
certain ends.
Tulloch and Gee also have similar ideas about games as
pedagogic tools that structure behaviour. In discussing cross-functional affiliation,
Gee discusses how multiplayer videogames like World of WarCraft can teach players to delegate tasks according to
areas of personal expertise in order to work together more effectively. Tulloch
would see this kind of collaboration not as an inherent property of videogames but a quality of
collaborative games in general that might be appropriated for the classroom.
Tulloch’s approach to games is to see them as pedagogic practices with lessons
to be gleaned for formal education: “If we understand gamification as a form of
training built upon the techniques used in, and heritage of, games rather than
traditional pedagogy, then we find not only a framework that incorporates
difficulty but a rich academic discourse for understandings its complexity”
(328). World of WarCraft, in other
words, can be a useful object lesson in staging situations where people learn
to collaborate, even if the game itself is not used.
Tulloch’s emphasis on games as a field of pedagogic
practice, rather than particular objects, may help resolve some of Linderoth’s
objections to Gee. Linderoth questions the effectiveness of videogames as vehicles
for skill acquisition: “[O]bservations of someone being able to play and progress
in a game cannot be taken for granted as constituting the outcome of the advanced
learning processes” (58). He later adds, “games can give us the sensation of
progress and empower us without demanding that we develop the kind of skills that
many other domains require” (59). His argument is supported by references to
tools which flatten the difficulty curve, creating the illusion of progress. For
this reason he questions the use of videogames as learning tools. I believe
Tulloch would agree – again, while he is interested in games’ potential to
train and motivate, he does not necessarily promote Thief as good instructional tool, as Gee does. Instead, Tulloch
encourages the use of game-style difficulty curves to find ways of maintaining
engagement in learning by managing challenges and rewards, even in a non-game
context (328-9).
Tulloch also seems to share
Linderoth’s position that “the matter of games and learning needs to be seen
primarily as an empirical question” (58). He argues that existing studies do
not properly understand difficulty, and therefore are not qualified to say
whether the player is learning. Tulloch understanding games as carrying on a distinct
pedagogical tradition, proposes that educators pay attention to games as a
source of empirical knowledge: “Game design and game studies offer innumerable
other important frameworks expansions and challenges to traditional pedagogic
discourses” (329). Tulloch argues that we should consult academic knowledge on
games as a way of discovering how they do
teach, rather than attempting to fit them into existing frameworks.
A thread running across
all three texts discussed here is the matter of whether games teach in ways compatible
with the aims of formal education – whether games can help players develop real
practical and cognitive skills. What Tulloch’s emphasis on gamification rather
than games highlights is that games engage structures of learning which may be
useful in and out of a gaming context – and that there already exists a wealth
of data through which these structures may be discovered and adapted. The
question facing educators is how to use this information. This recognizes Gee’s
claims that videogames can teach through play, while also addressing Linderoth’s
concerns that more rigorous study is needed. Tulloch’s article offers a
perspective from which Gee and Linderoth’s work can be seen as compatible.
Works
Cited
Gee,
James Paul. “Why are video games good for learning?” 2005.
Linderoth,
Jonas. “Why gamers don’t learn more: An ecological approach to games as
learning environments.” Journal of Gaming
and Virtual Worlds 4:1 (2012). 45-62.
Tulloch,
Rowan. “Reconceptualizing gamification: Play and pedagogy.” Digital Culture & Education 6:4
(December 2014). 317-333.
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